The Turkish assassin is a product of Tayyip Erdogan’s incitement


Date posted: December 20, 2016

Michael Rubin

The murder of Andrew Karlov by an off-duty policeman in Turkey shocked the world. It was the first assassination of a Russian ambassador since 1829, when a mob egged on by Muslim clerics sacked the Russian embassy in Iran and shot Ambassador Alexander Griboyedov.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan spoke to his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin after the incident, and both agreed that they would not allow the incident to derail their rapprochement.

Karlov’s murderer was Mevlüt Mert Altintas, a 22-year-old off-duty policeman, who shouted, “Allahu Akbar” and then declared, “We die in Aleppo, you die here,” as he fired nine shots into Karlov.

Erdogan may depict the assassination as an aberration, but Monday’s violence will be the new normal for Turkey.

Altintas did not grow up in a vacuum. Five years ago, Erdogan acknowledged his goal was “to raise a religious generation.” Altintas is its product. He was seven years old when Erdogan came to power; his whole schooling was under Erdogan.

Beyond education, Erdogan’s biggest domestic mark has been the transformation of Turkey’s once robust media into an engine of state propaganda and conspiracy. Journalists who do not toe the line end up in prison, or worse. Altintas grew up upon a steady diet of Erdogan’s Islamist pronouncements and worldview repeated and endorsed in classrooms, on television, in newspapers, and even in the cinema. If Altintas believed his actions to be heroic, it was because Erdogan’s speeches depicted the Nusra Front, the Al Qaeda affiliate fighting in Syria, as defenders of Islam’s honor.

None of this should surprise us. Erdogan is not the first leader to use media incitement and religious radicalism for short-term gain, only to realize too late that he cannot contain the wildfire he unleashed.

Consider Saudi Arabia: For generations, Saudi schools taught and television stations preached conservative Islamism even as Saudi princes partied on the Riviera or skied in Switzerland. Saudi kings didn’t mind; they derived legitimacy from their role as the guardian of Islam’s holiest shrines. Even if they shirked responsibility for the fact that 15 of 19 hijackers on 9/11 were Saudis, the subsequent bombing campaign in Riyadh hit home. Today, Riyadh openly acknowledges its Islamist problem.

Or, there’s Pakistan: For decades, Pakistani elites ignored radical religious seminaries. They believed religion could be a glue to hold the country together or to inspire a cadre to harass rivals in India and Afghanistan. They ignored the cost: After all, fire-and-brimstone clerics as a problem limited to backwards, rural areas.

Once again, however, the fire burned out of control. In 2007, gunmen killed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. Eighteen months later, Pakistani Taliban invaded a district just 60 miles from the nuclear-armed state’s capital. Today, much of Karachi, Pakistan’s largest city and commercial capital, is a no-go area.

Then there’s Syria. Despite depicting himself as a secularist leader facing down Islamist radicals, President Bashar Assad was long their enabler. Captured documents show he transformed Syria into an underground railroad for foreign fighters and suicide bombers to enter Iraq. What Syria now faces is blowback, a crisis of Assad’s own making.

And, of course, there are the Palestinians: Palestinian television preaches hatred. Schools hide weaponry. Rallies lionize suicide bombers. What once Palestinian leaders may have seen as a strategy enabling them to demand additional concessions, they now recognize could imperil their own aging leadership more than Israel.

Dictators are arrogant. They see themselves as immune to history. They use religion and incitement for short-term gain, but seldom consider the long-term consequences. No leader has been able to escape blowback, however. If history is any pattern, the violence in Turkey is just beginning and Erdogan will not be able to contain it, even if he is inclined to try.

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute

Source: NEW YORK DAILY NEWS , December 20, 2016


Related News

Kimse Yok Mu to stop beggary in Sakarya, Turkey

Kimse Yok Mu (KYM) has recently initiated a project, “a card of hope,” in the city of Sakarya, Turkey. The project aims to stop beggary in the city. Volunteers of KYM would distribute “a card of hope” to every beggar in the city, which would contain information and directions on how to receive aid from local Kimse Yok Mu branch.

More Academics, Teachers, Charity Staff Detained Over Alleged Gülen Links

Tens of academics, teachers, university staff and aid organization personnel were detained by police in Turkey over alleged links with Gülen movement.

Toward a party state

At this point, the only thing Erdoğan can do is manufacture false charges and evidence against the Hizmet movement, which wouldn’t be persuasive. In a normal democratic state where the rule of law is cherished, there must be concrete evidence to press charges against anyone, and those so charged are presumed innocent until they are proven guilty. In a party state, however, imaginary charges are first voiced and then meddlesome public authorities manufacture crimes and criminals to fit those charges.

Today’s Zaman celebrates 6th anniversary with columnists, editors

Today’s Zaman editors and columnists came together to celebrate the daily’s sixth anniversary at a dinner on Monday night. Some 30 Today’s Zaman columnists and the daily’s editorial staff came together at the Today’s Zaman headquarters in İstanbul for the dinner. “Today’s Zaman has been acknowledged as a reliable source of news and analysis during […]

Police raid successful Gülen-inspired schools in western Turkey

Just after another Gülen-inspired school was raided by the police in the southern province of Gaziantep on Monday, private schools established by the volunteers from the Hizmet Movement were raided in the western province of İzmir on Tuesday morning.

Kimse Yok Mu head: Council of State confirms charity’s transparency

According to İsmail Cingöz, president of the charity Kimse Yok Mu, the Council of State’s unanimous annulment of a recent Cabinet decision to rescind the charity’s right to collect donations confirms its institutional transparency, accountability and reliability.

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

Gülen calls for broadening freedoms, improvement in Kurdish rights

A medical center is being built next to Dadaap Camp

The [Gulen] movement was a shade

Who was behind the Turkish Coup: Sufi Islamic Scholar Fathullah Gülen or the Regime itself?

A destructive option for Turkey takes shape

Pakistan – Of friends and us

Answers to the questions about the Hizmet [Gulen] movement

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News