Recalling Turkey’s ‘post-modern coup’

Mustafa Akyol
Mustafa Akyol


Date posted: February 29, 2012

MUSTAFA AKYOL, February/29/2012

Yesterday was Feb. 28, or the 13th anniversary of Turkey’s “post-modern coup.” And it is worth remembering today what this was all about.

In June 1997 the generals declared a long list of companies that were “backward-minded” (i.e., too religious) and promoted boycotts of their products. Islamic spiritual leaders such as Fethullah Gülen were put on trial for “establishing anti-secular organizations.” Some “undesirable” journalists were fired, and several were even discredited with fake documents prepared by the military.

The date Feb. 28, which has become a political term in Turkey, comes from the National Security Council (NSC) meeting that took place on Feb. 28, 1997. Then, unlike now, the NSC meetings were the medium where Turkey’s fervently Kemalist generals dictated their policies to elected governments. That particular NSC meeting was historic, for it included not only a military ultimatum given to the government of Necmettin Erbakan, Turkey’s first overtly Islamist prime minister, but also the beginning of a “process” that would target anyone who stood in the military’s way.

In fact, the whirlwind had begun to gather as early as December 1995 when general elections were won by Erbakan’s Islamist Welfare Party by a margin of 21 percent. But two “center-right” parties entered the Parliament as well whose seats were slightly less than that of the Welfare Party.

So Erbakan had to work until June 1996 to build a coalition with one of those center-right parties, the True Path Party of Tansu Çiller, who had previously been Turkey’s first female prime minister. This dual government would last for a year, during which Erbakan found the chance to implement only a few of his ideas, such as building closer ties with other Muslim countries and hosting receptions for “tarikat” (Islamic sect) leaders in his official residence – all shocking to the secular establishment. What provoked the secularists even more was Erbakan’s rhetoric, and that of his party members, which seemed to herald an Islamist regime.

In response to this Islamist challenge, the military stepped in “to save the secular republic” from the citizens who were not secularist enough. The plan the generals imposed to Erbakan at the NSC included harsh measures against “religious backwardness,” such as banning the headscarf and closing down religious schools. Soon, they orchestrated the whole Kemalist “center” – the bureaucracy, the judiciary, the universities and the mainstream media – to force the Erbakan government to resign, then to close down the Welfare Party, and finally to crack down on Islamic groups and their resources.

In June 1997 the generals declared a long list of companies that were “backward-minded” (i.e., too religious) and promoted boycotts of their products. Islamic spiritual leaders such as Fethullah Gülen were put on trial for “establishing anti-secular organizations.” Some “undesirable” journalists were fired, and several were even discredited with fake documents prepared by the military.

Meanwhile, certain members of the Welfare Party, including its rising star Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then mayor of Istanbul, were given prison terms for “inciting hatred” against the Kemalist regime. “Erdoğan’s political career is over,” some newspapers wrote happily in September 1998. “From now on, he can’t even be a local governor.” (The roots of Erdoğan’s distaste with Turkey’s mainstream secular media lie partly here.)

The speech that earned Erdoğan a 10-month prison term was indeed harsh, but it also included an interesting remark that hinted at the direction he would follow: “Western man has freedom of belief,” Erdoğan said. “In Europe there is respect for worship, for the headscarf. Why not in Turkey?”

This was a sign that, in the aftermath of the post-modern coup, a post-modern Islamic view would emerge, which would orient itself toward the European Union and its democratic norms rather than the utopian Islamism or Erbakan.

Thanks to that transformation, the post-modern coup failed miserably. One of the generals who devised it had arrogantly predicted their system would “last for a thousand years.” But it lasted only for five years, until November 2002, when Erdoğan’s AKP came to power decisively.

Source: Hurriyet Daily News http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/recalling-turkeys-post-modern-coup-.aspx?pageID=449&nID=14884&NewsCatID=411

 


Related News

Turkey’s Erdogan Is Already Making the Most of His ‘Gift From Heaven’ After Coup Attempt

Erdogan is establishing the regime he wants even if the constitution is not amended, a regime that ensures complete loyalty, whether out of support for him or out of fear he is instilling in tens of thousands of government officials, hundreds of thousands of teachers, thousands of judges and prosecutors and army officers. The shakeup in the education system is perhaps the most significant, even more than in the justice system or the army.

I’m ashamed

A defamation campaign was kicked off to demonize the Hizmet movement — just as the “deep state” would do in the past — and a witch hunt was launched in various state organs. Despite the fact that the prep school debate started months ago, the probe was portrayed as part of it.

Bank Asya sells stakes in 2 subsidiaries

In a statement to Borsa İstanbul (BIST), Bank Asya said it is selling a 24.18 percent stake in Turkish construction firm Tuna Gayrimenkul for TL 62.8 million. The bank also said it is selling another construction company, Nil Yönetim Hizmetleri, for TL 69.25 million.

AK Party founder: I don’t believe claims of parallel state

Yaşar Yakış, former foreign minister and a founding member of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), criticized the party on Monday, saying he does not believe in the existence of a “parallel state,” a term used by the AK Party to describe followers of the faith-based Hizmet movement, which the government alleges to have formed an illegitimate structure within the state.

By Extraditing Anti-Erdogan Leader, Trump Would Betray American Values

Extraditing dissident Islamist cleric Fethullah Gulen to Turkey would be a betrayal of American values and should be permanently off the table. President Trump says that handing over Gulen to Turkey is not under consideration “at this point.” But that’s not good enough.

Why Erdogan Is Soft On ISIS

Turkey’s government and the media that support it have an odd attitude when it comes to violent acts carried out by ISIS: It’s as if the “cultural/ideological dialects” of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government somehow malfunction. The government is politically accountable if ISIS actions do not stop in Turkey. Trying to cover this up with nonsense like “ISIS is the same as PKK and the Gülenists” only increases this accountability.

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

Education [for Kurds] in mother tongue

Hizmet movement rejects claim of forming political party

Islamabad High Court: Pak-Turk Schools will not be handed over to Turkish Government

Outcome of Dakar Conference on Hizmet Movement

WikiLeaks Emails Show Turkey Tried To Hide Corruption Evidence

Fethullah Gülen: ‘I Call For An International Investigation Into The Failed Putsch In Turkey’

Abant tackles contentious issue of drafting new constitution

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News