Recalling Turkey’s ‘post-modern coup’

Mustafa Akyol
Mustafa Akyol


Date posted: February 29, 2012

MUSTAFA AKYOL, February/29/2012

Yesterday was Feb. 28, or the 13th anniversary of Turkey’s “post-modern coup.” And it is worth remembering today what this was all about.

In June 1997 the generals declared a long list of companies that were “backward-minded” (i.e., too religious) and promoted boycotts of their products. Islamic spiritual leaders such as Fethullah Gülen were put on trial for “establishing anti-secular organizations.” Some “undesirable” journalists were fired, and several were even discredited with fake documents prepared by the military.

The date Feb. 28, which has become a political term in Turkey, comes from the National Security Council (NSC) meeting that took place on Feb. 28, 1997. Then, unlike now, the NSC meetings were the medium where Turkey’s fervently Kemalist generals dictated their policies to elected governments. That particular NSC meeting was historic, for it included not only a military ultimatum given to the government of Necmettin Erbakan, Turkey’s first overtly Islamist prime minister, but also the beginning of a “process” that would target anyone who stood in the military’s way.

In fact, the whirlwind had begun to gather as early as December 1995 when general elections were won by Erbakan’s Islamist Welfare Party by a margin of 21 percent. But two “center-right” parties entered the Parliament as well whose seats were slightly less than that of the Welfare Party.

So Erbakan had to work until June 1996 to build a coalition with one of those center-right parties, the True Path Party of Tansu Çiller, who had previously been Turkey’s first female prime minister. This dual government would last for a year, during which Erbakan found the chance to implement only a few of his ideas, such as building closer ties with other Muslim countries and hosting receptions for “tarikat” (Islamic sect) leaders in his official residence – all shocking to the secular establishment. What provoked the secularists even more was Erbakan’s rhetoric, and that of his party members, which seemed to herald an Islamist regime.

In response to this Islamist challenge, the military stepped in “to save the secular republic” from the citizens who were not secularist enough. The plan the generals imposed to Erbakan at the NSC included harsh measures against “religious backwardness,” such as banning the headscarf and closing down religious schools. Soon, they orchestrated the whole Kemalist “center” – the bureaucracy, the judiciary, the universities and the mainstream media – to force the Erbakan government to resign, then to close down the Welfare Party, and finally to crack down on Islamic groups and their resources.

In June 1997 the generals declared a long list of companies that were “backward-minded” (i.e., too religious) and promoted boycotts of their products. Islamic spiritual leaders such as Fethullah Gülen were put on trial for “establishing anti-secular organizations.” Some “undesirable” journalists were fired, and several were even discredited with fake documents prepared by the military.

Meanwhile, certain members of the Welfare Party, including its rising star Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then mayor of Istanbul, were given prison terms for “inciting hatred” against the Kemalist regime. “Erdoğan’s political career is over,” some newspapers wrote happily in September 1998. “From now on, he can’t even be a local governor.” (The roots of Erdoğan’s distaste with Turkey’s mainstream secular media lie partly here.)

The speech that earned Erdoğan a 10-month prison term was indeed harsh, but it also included an interesting remark that hinted at the direction he would follow: “Western man has freedom of belief,” Erdoğan said. “In Europe there is respect for worship, for the headscarf. Why not in Turkey?”

This was a sign that, in the aftermath of the post-modern coup, a post-modern Islamic view would emerge, which would orient itself toward the European Union and its democratic norms rather than the utopian Islamism or Erbakan.

Thanks to that transformation, the post-modern coup failed miserably. One of the generals who devised it had arrogantly predicted their system would “last for a thousand years.” But it lasted only for five years, until November 2002, when Erdoğan’s AKP came to power decisively.

Source: Hurriyet Daily News http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/recalling-turkeys-post-modern-coup-.aspx?pageID=449&nID=14884&NewsCatID=411

 


Related News

2,500 schools confiscated, 30,000 teachers dismissed over Gülen links

Turkish Education Ministry Undersecretary Yusuf Tekin on Sunday said they have completed a purge of Gülen movement members and institutions in his ministry, the DHA news agency reported.

Hizmet: a social movement or political manipulation?

Sadık Çınar* In the last decade, the Hizmet movement has become a phenomenon in Turkish civil and political life. A shallow look from the outside, however, can lead to confusing and contrasting perceptions about the movement when it is only fed by newspaper articles, columnists and rumors. Politicians still think that the only means of political […]

Serbia seeks agriculture investments from Turkey

GAMZE GÜL, İSTANBUL Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Rasim Ljajic visited TUSKON and attended the “Turkiye Serbia Trade and Investment Forum”. He said in his speech, “Businessmen from both Turkiye and Serbia have initiated talks on increasing economic relations between the two countries many times but that companies need to achieve results to bring business ties […]

South African, Kenyan leaders show support for Turkish schools

South African President Jacob Zuma and Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta have both expressed support for Turkish schools in their country, amid the Turkish government’s attempts to shut down Turkish schools located abroad that are affiliated with the Hizmet movement.

Bank Asya says raising capital, set for growth

“Bank Asya expects to raise its total capital by TL 300 million to TL 1.2 billion. … We sold an 18 percent stake in the retail chain A101 as part of this plan,” the bank said. Bank Asya said its capital adequacy ratio is 14.8 percent — well above the conventionally accepted minimum level of 12 percent — and that it expects to enjoy further growth in 2014. The bank said it expects the capital adequacy ratio to reach 17 percent, making it one of the five strongest (in capital) banks in Turkey. Previously, the bank held 21.84 percent of the shares in A101.

AKP politician Akdoğan: Gülen’s support for peace talks of vital importance

Emphasizing the importance of Gülen’s remarks, Akdoğan said: “Political and social support to this peace process is of high importance. The government cannot take a step in spite of the public and nation. It is easier for the [government] to get a result when there is strong support from the public.

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

Embrace Relief Worldwide Qurban (Feast of Sacrifice) Campaign

What should we expect from 2015?

Will Gülen movement become a political party?

SEASON OF PEACE: Moderate Islam has a voice if you listen

Turkey Deports Journalist for Criticizing Government on Twitter

Turkish citizens in Arkansas face uncertain futures

Who was behind the Turkish Coup: Sufi Islamic Scholar Fathullah Gülen or the Regime itself?

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News