The Hizmet movement and participatory democracy

GÖKHAN BACIK
GÖKHAN BACIK


Date posted: February 9, 2014

GÖKHAN BACIK

The differences between the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the Hizmet movement have become critically important since the graft probe of Dec. 17. The government quickly declared that there was no corruption. According to the government, Dec. 17 saw an organized attack meant to topple the government. However, almost all public surveys confirm that at least 65 percent of Turkish people disagree with the government, and believe that the graft probe that was made public that day addressed a corruption issue.

However, to see how the Hizmet movement and the AK Party differ requires an analytical perspective. The Islam versus Kemalism binary of the previous decades shadowed an equal binary between Islamism (political Islam) and the Hizmet/Gülen movement (social Islam). The theoretical bases of these two trends are different. Their harmony during the past decade forged their artificial alliance in response to the Kemalist “threat.” Personally speaking, the separation of the two is positive, despite some short-term fluctuations.

Indeed, the AK Party government is a legitimate power, despite its serious authoritarian tendencies. However, the Hizmet movement’s objection to the AK Party’s rising Islamism is an important analytical factor in understanding the formation of the policies in Turkish politics. For example, the Hizmet group argues that Turkey should have good relations with the major Western institutions, such as the EU. It does not propose that the state should be an agent of Islamization. It does not endorse the government’s cutting relations with some states. One could propose a longer list of differences.

Meanwhile, the Hizmet movement’s objections make an important contribution to the formation of participatory democracy in Turkey. So far, Turkish democracy was a game among political parties in the absence of a strong civil society and market actors.

Political theorist Benjamin R. Barber, who is known for his participatory-democracy approach, defines strong democracy as a democratic theory that advances the role of robust democratic citizenship over formal constitutional mechanisms and is particularly attentive to civic participation, civic education and a vibrant civil society.

On this line of thinking, the rise of the Hizmet movement is a key positive factor in enhancing a participatory model of democracy in Turkey.

So far, the conventional argument requires the establishment of a political party that proposes arguments about Turkish politics. Yet that is in fact what has made Turkey a graveyard of parties, all of them small groups that had believed they should become parties to talk about politics. The Hizmet movement stands as one of the first civic movements that are not organized along a political-party format.

Moving in parallel with the conventional argument, some argue today that the Hizmet movement should establish its own party. I disagree. A strong civil society movement that changes its political-party affiliations is better. The competition between political parties can sometimes radicalize their politics. In such cases, influential social movements have important roles.

Each political party in Turkey has its affiliated unions, media and professional unions. Thus the rise of new, autonomous social movements that reject full affiliation with a political party is rare in Turkey. That is why some have difficulty with understanding the Hizmet movement’s position in contemporary Turkish politics.

There is also the issue of transparency. The Hizmet movement’s activism creates a huge public debate about itself. In practice, there are many other religious social movements in Turkey that are also influential, but they lack an equal level of transparency. As an oft-debated movement, the Hizmet movement is under the pressure of regular interrogation. In other words, debating the Hizmet movement is good, as that puts it under pressure that calls for more transparency. Activism creates public interest and debate that require more transparency of any social movement.

Source: Todays Zaman , February 9, 2014


Related News

Teacher jailed with 3-day-old baby released only to house arrest with ankle bracelet

Aysun Aydemir, an English teacher who was jailed with her three-day-old baby on Monday, has been released only to house arrest with an electronic bracelet on her ankle.

Sweden delays sending back Erdogan dissenters

Asylum seekers with ties to the opposition from last month’s failed coup attempt in Turkey will not be sent back to the nation by Sweden until further notice, the Swedish Migration Agency has decided. People who have taken part in “credible political opposition” are also part of the risk group, the Migration Agency writes on its website.

Erdoğan’s personal propaganda tool, the MGK

Erdoğan has asserted that the Gülen movement is to be included in the Red Book as a “prioritized threat.” But never mind the fact that he acts and speaks as though this has all been decided upon already. The fact is, he does not have the proper authority to do this. What’s more, there is absolutely no document or piece of information that would support such a move.

8-year-old cancer patient departs to Germany for treatment without parents due to ongoing travel ban

Ahmet Burhan Ataç, an eight-year-old kid departed to Germany on Sunday for cancer treatment without his parents as the father is in prison and the mother is subject to a travel ban over alleged Gulen links.

Don’t Make A Mystic into a Martyr: Fethullah Gülen as Peacebuilder

My conclusion? He’s a mystic in the Sufi tradition of Islam. And like other famous mystics in history—notably Gandhi, or Rumi—from whom Gülen draws deeply, Fethullah Gülen is a peacebuilder. And history teaches us that peacebuilders are likely to be misunderstood, vilified, and targeted. It would be tragic if once again historical forces conspire to turn a mystic into a martyr.

Money trail in corruption case

The fact that the government practically stalled the investigation with a major reshuffle of the judiciary, police, watchdog agencies that track money, and finance and banking activities, while pushing emergency laws through Parliament to prevent further investigations and leaks, casts a shadow on how far the Erdoğan government had gone in these dirty deals.

Latest News

Fethullah Gülen’s Condolence Message for South African Human Rights Defender Archbishop Desmond Tutu

Hizmet Movement Declares Core Values with Unified Voice

Ankara systematically tortures supporters of Gülen movement, Kurds, Turkey Tribunal rapporteurs say

Erdogan possessed by Pharaoh, Herod, Hitler spirits?

Devious Use of International Organizations to Persecute Dissidents Abroad: The Erdogan Case

A “Controlled Coup”: Erdogan’s Contribution to the Autocrats’ Playbook

Why is Turkey’s Erdogan persecuting the Gulen movement?

Purge-victim man sent back to prison over Gulen links despite stage 4 cancer diagnosis

University refuses admission to woman jailed over Gülen links

In Case You Missed It

ECtHR rules Bulgaria violated rights of Turkish journalist who was deported despite seeking asylum

Bosnian Court Lifts Movement Restrictions on Turkish Citizen

A notable award for Mongolian-Turkish schools

‘Gülen movement challenges culture of competition’

Hizmet’s role in global peace, interfaith dialogue highlighted in African conference

Hate speech in politics and media

Mysterious visitors to holdings

Copyright 2024 Hizmet News