We may become lost in the details if we examine one by one the MİT, Internet and Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) laws, which were included in omnibus laws and passed hastily in Parliament.
But if we look at the bigger picture, we can see that the government is preparing the infrastructure for a new legal process. This infrastructure is being constructed on a pot stand. If any of the four legs of this stand are missing, the system which they [the government] want to establish will not function. All this legislation suggests one thing: The government is establishing the legal basis for an operation against the community [Hizmet movement]. Even though the government has already removed from duty thousands of people, including police officers and members of the judiciary, it would have difficulties persuading “civil servants” to launch an operation against the community. The community is also aware of this. They [Hizmet members] said they believe ordinary civil servants would not take part in a legal process against the community. And as the government is also aware of this fact, it is now preparing the legal infrastructure to carry out a problem-free operation against the community.
Gareth Jenkins once criticized Turkey’s infamous Ergenekon indictments on the grounds that they were “products of ‘projective’ rather than deductive reasoning, working backwards from the premise that the organization exists to weave unrelated individuals, statements and acts into a single massive conspiracy.” Other than being a far more extreme example of “projective” rather than “deductive” reasoning, how is the Turkish government and its media’s attempt at connecting Turkey’s failed coup with Fethullah Gülen and the Hizmet movement he inspires any different?
A useful guide to understanding the Hizmet-AK Party tension
Mustafa Yeşil, head of the Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV), of which Fethullah Gülen is honorary president, talks about the reasons for the increasing tension between the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government and the Hizmet movement, which conducts praiseworthy activities in Turkey and around the globe with inspiration from well-respected Turkish-Islamic scholar Gülen.
Islamic scholar Gülen files libel case against PM Erdoğan
Gülen’s lawyer Nurullah Albayrak said on Monday that Erdoğan moved beyond borders of freedom of expression and used excessively harsh insults against the Islamic scholar. Gülen is demanding TL 100,000 in compensation for the allegedly denigrating remarks.
GYV slams slanderous accusations seeking to link Hizmet to terrorist PKK
The Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV) has responded to a series of controversial claims and slanderous accusations that aim to associate the faith-based Gülen movement, also known as Hizmet movement, with the terrorist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), stressing once again that Hizmet rejects all kinds of violence.
Losing rationality in politics and the economy
Turkey has a weak record of institutionalization. Despite the “We are a big state” narrative, today, Turkey’s political model is simple: the leader and the nation. Lacking effective institutions that can accommodate political fluctuations, crises of various calibers can harm Turkey’s stability easily.
Turkey’s post-coup brain drain
Bekir Cinar was working as an assistant professor at the political sciences department of Suleyman Sah University when it fell victim to the crackdown. He says that many academics with different views were working at the university. Cinar is currently continuing his scientific work at a British university. He considers this a major loss for Turkey, not least because it takes 20 to 30 years to become an academic.
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