New constitution must bear spirit of Abant

Bulent Kenes
Bulent Kenes


Date posted: March 13, 2012

ABANT — Turkey has long been trying to rid itself of the remnants of the Constitution of 1982, which was the product of the military coup of September 12, 1980, as it goes through a process of confronting and settling accounts with military tutelage and coups.

Bülent Keneş, Sunday March 11, 2012

Almost all political parties had promised to make a new constitution or emphatically referred to it during the rallies they held in the run up to the general elections of June 12, 2011, and the general public still holds great expectations about having a new, civilian, democratic, pluralistic, individual-centered, liberal constitution. The reason why I say “still” is that politicians tend to refer to the need for a new constitution only before elections, but forget about it after the elections. I personally, at least, do not remember the last time Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is the country’s main agenda-setter, touched on the issue of making a new constitution.

Nevertheless, the enthusiasm-imbued matter of drafting a new constitution has not dropped from the agenda. The parliamentary Constitutional Reconciliation Commission, led by Parliamentary Speaker Cemil Çiçek and consisting of equal numbers of representatives from the four parliamentary parties, has been working unremittingly since October 19, 2011. It has been accepting for review demands and expectations from the general public, civil society, experts and pressure groups about how the new constitution should be. The commission has adopted a four-stage plan for its work. Accordingly, there will be a participation process until April 30 during which demands for the new constitution will be heard, a process whereby the main framework of the constitution will be created under the close scrutiny of the public starting May 1, an assessment process during which the resultant text will be discussed with the public and, finally, a voting process.

In addition to the commission’s work, civil society organizations (CSOs), too, have been organizing activities and events concerning the new constitution-making process and preparing framework reports and lists of their demands or complete drafts of the constitution. One of these CSOs is the Journalists and Writers Foundation’s (GYV) Abant Platform, which has been making an impression on Turkey’s intellectual arena for about 20 years. Having held its second meeting on the new constitution-making in a year, the 26th meeting of the Abant Platform, under the title the “Framework of the New Constitution,” managed to bring together representatives of almost every belief, ethnic, political and philosophical group or formation in Turkey in Bolu’s pleasant town of Abant. For three days, starting on Friday, the participants discussed at length what their social groups expect from the new constitution.

At this last Abant meeting, I witnessed the consoling fact that even the most controversial and tension-prone issues of the recent past were discussed freely and peacefully. All these matters that would have been considered taboo in the past could be discussed far and wide, with no strings attached, by intellectuals from all walks of life. More importantly, this meeting proved that it is possible to arrive at a consensus even with respect to as controversial matters as citizenship and identity, the Kurdish issue, education in one’s mother tongue, the structure of the state, the Religious Affairs Directorate and the presidency. The Abant Platform was proof that conciliation, not conflict, will emerge if everyone is allowed to speak their mind freely, without any restrictions. We saw that Turks do not raise objections to a constitution that would endow Kurds with their due rights and freedoms and, likewise, the Muslim majority is ready to accept a constitution that would allow non-Muslim religious minorities to enjoy their rights as first class citizens of this country and that would make the Treaty of Lausanne redundant and meaningless in terms of securing the rights of non-Muslim religious minorities and that would even make us forget the denomination “non-Muslim religious minorities.”

Having been able to secure a 95-percent representation rate in the last elections, Parliament does not have an obstacle make or offer an excuse for not making a new constitution that would meet the general public’s demands for rights and freedoms and that would catapult Turkey into the future. Turkey does not have the luxury of missing this historic chance to jettison the current patronizing, fear-instilling and uninspired Constitution that bears the mark and spirit of a military coup. Parliamentary Speaker Çiçek’s argument that it is not enough for four parliamentary parties to just lend support to the constitution-drafting process, as they must throw all their weight behind it, should be underlined. Indeed, as he noted, if this chance is missed, the vicious debates and disputes of the last 30 years will continue to waste our time and energy for another 30 years.

What I gather from the Abant Platform’s discussions on the new constitution is that the biggest risk facing the new constitution Turkey so needs the sacrifice of these efforts to the debate over choosing between a presidential and a parliamentary system. What Turkey needs is not to transition to a presidential system, which is alien to its political culture, but to perfect its democracy. Instead of discarding the parliamentary system, which was never fully implemented in the country because of military tutelage, coups and interventions, Turkey should tackle all the problems it has encountered in its 150 years of experience and transition to a full-fledged parliamentary system. No references or reactions to past existing and constitutions should be made, and Turkey and Turkish society’s needs and expectations should be analyzed in depth and a constitution should be made from scratch with a focus on individuals and their rights. If this can be done, it will help Turkish democracy take a great step further.

I must note here that another danger would be our failure to ward off the mentality that is embodied in the current Constitution, as well as our fears and worries that tend to imprison us. This process must never be allowed to yield to that depressing mood, which is visible in such clichés as the status quo’s favorite: “Turkey’s special conditions.” Moreover, another morbid threat is the tendency to advertize the Constitution, which performs very poorly with respect to universal human rights, individual freedoms and contemporary democratic criteria. Doing so propagates a mentality that “this is certainly good for the citizens of Turkey,” and we must be wary of this illness.

Although he delivered a speech with which I can readily agree to the highest point at the Abant meeting, Çiçek previously said, “We will draft a constitution not for the EU, but for our citizens,” which does not seem to me a hopeful promise in the light of our tragic experiences of what was done in the past “for our citizens.” Here, I, as a citizen of the Turkish Republic, would like to call on Mr. Çiçek and say: “Please do not make a constitution for the sake of me or what you think I want, but make one that relies on the EU’s values of democracy, freedoms, rights and superiority of law. Please note that I don’t want a constitution that you think I deserve, but that I am yearning for a constitution in line with EU standards that would help to make Turkey a contemporary democracy. It would be a great step if the pluralistic spirit shown in picturesque Abant would be allowed to pave the way in shaping the new constitution.

Source: Today’s Zaman http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist-273981-new-constitution-must-bear-spirit-of-abant.html

The Abant Platform is an independent think tank that takes its name from Lake Abant in the province of Bolu, the location of its first meeting. It is one of the most well-known programs of the GYV, which was established in 1994. Its mission and work were inspired by the GYV’s honorary president, Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen.


Related News

The Islamic roots of the conflict in Turkey

he roots of the Gülen movement go back to Said Nursi (1878-1960), a preacher from Eastern Anatolia whose teachings (the Nurcu movement) emphasized the compatibility of Islam with rationalism, science and positivism. Nursi’s main contribution to Islam was a 6,000-page commentary he wrote on the Quran. This body of work is known as the “Risale-i Nur” (The Light Collection) and advocates the teaching of modern sciences in religious schools as the way of the future for an Islamic age of enlightenment.

Court wants up to 11 years for Samanyolu TV director

A prosecutor has filed charges against a director of Samanyolu TV accusing him of “insulting” and “slandering” Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and fomenting “grudges and hostility among the public,” demanding up to 11 years and two months in prison.

Post-Kemalist but still illiberal Turkey

Many, including myself, expected that the defeat of Kemalism by a broad coalition of liberals, democrats and conservatives under the political leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) would lead to a democratic regime in Turkey with a liberal constitution. Yes, Kemalism is dead but its state-centric, Jacobin and illiberal sprit has been reincarnated in the ruling AK Party. The similarities in the attitude and the policies of the AK Party and its Kemalist predecessors are striking.

Overshadowing the graft probe

Erdoğan’s government has removed around 113 police chiefs from their posts in a major overhaul and issued a decree that dealt a serious blow to judicial independence since the operation, which targeted some members of his inner circle, was initiated on Dec. 17. All these draconian measures taken by the government are intended to prevent the police and judiciary from carrying out criminal investigations without the government’s — i.e., the executive’s — knowledge.

Nearly 500 police officials reassigned in Ankara, İzmir

Erdoğan has reacted furiously to the corruption investigation, decrying an attempted “judicial coup” his supporters see as orchestrated by the Hizmet movement. He has reassigned thousands of police officers, more than a hundred judges and prosecutors, and purged official bodies of executives he suspects of being close to Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen.

I Weep For Turkey

It has been the same topic of discourse everywhere. And it won’t stop anytime soon because of the atrocities that have followed, all in the name of sanitising the country and arresting masterminds of the phantom coup. The news coming out of Turkey has been really disturbing to many, and equally baffling to the world.

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

Another thousands of locals now have access to drinking water in Chad and Cambodia

Take protests seriously, work to solve problems, Fethullah Gülen urges

Festival atmosphere in Kimse Yok Mu town

Tamsil: The inadvertent overspill of internalization

Kimse Yok Mu continues to help needy despite gov’t restrictions

Individuals can force change

Gulen movement participants have been serving in Iraq Kurdistan for 19 years

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News