Is Gülen Movement A Religious Community (cemaat) or A Social Community (camia)?

Hadi Uluengin
Hadi Uluengin


Date posted: November 2, 2012

Hadi Uluengin, April 6, 2011

Before studying the Gülen movement (aka Hizmet movement), first, we must agree on definitions. Such a consensus will place the discussion on a more appropriate and objective foundation. This lexicon agreement is required first and foremost because of recent claims and accusations—which are perhaps true, perhaps false, or perhaps half true, half false—laid against this very movement.

Here is the question before us:

Do the large masses united around the spiritual and intellectual personality of the opinion leader, Fethullah Gulen, who is residing in Pennsylvania, feature a ‘religious’ community, that is a ‘cemaat’— the buzzword frequently used here in Turkey? Or is the term ‘social community’ or ‘camia’ a better fit? I believe the latter one is more accurate, and let me share my reasons.

As is well-known, both words are derived from the verb ‘ijma,’ which means to come together. I do not know its evolution in Arabic, but in Turkish ‘cemaat’ and ‘camia’ have assumed different meanings over the course of time, although they come from the same root.

The term ‘cemaat’ usually brings to mind worshipers who place their foreheads on the ground in a mosque, who collectively listen to the Friday sermon, or those who attest their goodwill for the deceased at funeral.

Occasionally, we may use ‘cemaat’ in a nonreligious context or more figuratively. For instance, sometimes, we call ‘cemaat’ those minor and fanatical groups who have taken allegiance to an unqualified leader of a marginal communist faction. In defining the boundaries of a cemaat, first, we identify the time and space. Then, we imply the existence of rules. And finally we narrow down its membership and their circle of influence. However, we have a largely different definition for ‘camia.’

This is how it is. ‘Camia’ as a word does not necessarily have a heavenly or spiritual reference. Compared to cemaat, it implies plurality in quantitative terms as well as diversity. We may address a group of workers in a small workshop as a ‘workshop cemaat.’ But we refer to their trade unions—those overarching organizations that unite larger proletarian groups—as a camia. A better translation of the commonwealth of former English colonies or the federative description of Russia would be ‘camia.’

Inevitably, as numbers start growing and body expanding, rigid and central rules that are peculiar to small communities (cemaat) become more flexible and decentralized.

That is, after quantity reaches a certain point, the difference of quality certainly imposes itself, and this is where we should start speaking of ‘camia.’

It is true that members of a ‘camia’ also gather around the same denominator.

But when we refer to the community of a certain sports club or ‘camia of ecologists,’ partnership in such communities demands only that one be a fan of a club or an environmentalist movement. Those who support the same club would never be expected to vote for the same political party. Ecologists protest the same fish massacre, but some of them are deists, while others may be religious.

Similarly, the larger masses of millions whose common denominator is to ‘spiritually’ adopt Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi’s ‘spiritual’ leadership, or perhaps only to sympathize with his peacemaking and reconciliatory discourse, cannot be identified as ‘cemaat’ (religious community or brotherhood) today.

The Gülen Movement can only be referred to as a large camia, or social community, for with their virtues as well as weaknesses, they reflect all the social and organic features of one.

It is important to pin on this heterogeneous nature, i.e., to accept the fact that a religious, political, military, or cultural community (camia) that is free from differences, centrifugal elements, or nonconformist components, is simply not possible.

Next week, I will weigh how true or false the abovementioned claims and accusations are.

Source: Hurriyet. Original article is in Turkish. English translation is retrieved from fgulen.com.


Related News

Gülen movement’s silent majority

After all, it is not difficult to understand that the reasons pushing so many people so far from home have been a love of service and a love of their own country. During the course of my travels, I also had the chance to meet a few of the teachers dedicated to their service and to teaching in these schools. Most of them had sacrificed some of their own opportunities so that they could simply contribute to the schools at which they are working.

Gülen’s critics have no supporting evidence, says academic

EMRE OĞUZ American sociology professor Helen Rose Ebaugh, who has written a book analyzing the Gülen movement, has said those criticizing the movement have no documents to back up their criticisms. Ebaugh, the author of a book titled “The Gülen Movement: A Sociological Analysis of a Civic Movement Rooted in Moderate Islam,” was speaking at […]

Dr. Reuven Firestone Interviewed by Muslim Turkish Movement “Hizmet”

Rabbi Reuven Firestone, Ph.D., Professor of Medieval Judaism and Islam at the Jack H. Skirball Campus of HUC-JIR in Los Angeles, was interviewed by a Muslim Turkish Movement called Hizmet, which means “service.” Hizmet is active in interfaith dialogue in Turkey and many other countries, and has built private and charter schools in many countries, […]

455 water wells opened in Pakistan thanks to Kimse Yok Mu

Kimse Yok Mu which operates in many parts of the world with humanitarian aid projects launched a project in 2012 for 1, 3 million people in some cities of Pakistan. Large numbers of philanthropists from Turkey participated in the campaign and 455 water wells were dug in the country in two years.

Gülen underlines values, rejects alliance with political party or leader

In response to a question on whether “the alliance” between the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the Hizmet movement had ended, Gülen said, “If we can talk about an alliance, it was around [the] shared values of democracy, universal human rights and freedoms — never for political parties or candidates.”

Fethullah Gulen’s opinion on Turkey today

“As the coup attempt unfolded, I fiercely denounced it and denied any involvement,” wrote Gulen, who has been living in self-exile in the US since 1999. “Furthermore, I said that anyone who participated in the putsch betrayed my ideals. Nevertheless, and without evidence, Erdogan immediately accused me of orchestrating it from 5,000 miles away.

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

President Gül opens Turkish-Kazakh school in Astana

Fethullah Gulen’s Message regarding Rumors Circulated in Turkish Media about a Second Coup Attempt

The Encyclopedia of Islam and hate speech

Extradition request for Gülen aims at manipulating public perception

Beating ‘domestic enemies’ in the game of ‘advanced’ democracy

Turkey’s Erdogan exploiting failed coup to crush dissent, tighten grip on power

Love is A Verb – forthcoming documentary on the Gülen Movement

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News