Is Gülen Movement A Religious Community (cemaat) or A Social Community (camia)?

Hadi Uluengin
Hadi Uluengin


Date posted: November 2, 2012

Hadi Uluengin, April 6, 2011

Before studying the Gülen movement (aka Hizmet movement), first, we must agree on definitions. Such a consensus will place the discussion on a more appropriate and objective foundation. This lexicon agreement is required first and foremost because of recent claims and accusations—which are perhaps true, perhaps false, or perhaps half true, half false—laid against this very movement.

Here is the question before us:

Do the large masses united around the spiritual and intellectual personality of the opinion leader, Fethullah Gulen, who is residing in Pennsylvania, feature a ‘religious’ community, that is a ‘cemaat’— the buzzword frequently used here in Turkey? Or is the term ‘social community’ or ‘camia’ a better fit? I believe the latter one is more accurate, and let me share my reasons.

As is well-known, both words are derived from the verb ‘ijma,’ which means to come together. I do not know its evolution in Arabic, but in Turkish ‘cemaat’ and ‘camia’ have assumed different meanings over the course of time, although they come from the same root.

The term ‘cemaat’ usually brings to mind worshipers who place their foreheads on the ground in a mosque, who collectively listen to the Friday sermon, or those who attest their goodwill for the deceased at funeral.

Occasionally, we may use ‘cemaat’ in a nonreligious context or more figuratively. For instance, sometimes, we call ‘cemaat’ those minor and fanatical groups who have taken allegiance to an unqualified leader of a marginal communist faction. In defining the boundaries of a cemaat, first, we identify the time and space. Then, we imply the existence of rules. And finally we narrow down its membership and their circle of influence. However, we have a largely different definition for ‘camia.’

This is how it is. ‘Camia’ as a word does not necessarily have a heavenly or spiritual reference. Compared to cemaat, it implies plurality in quantitative terms as well as diversity. We may address a group of workers in a small workshop as a ‘workshop cemaat.’ But we refer to their trade unions—those overarching organizations that unite larger proletarian groups—as a camia. A better translation of the commonwealth of former English colonies or the federative description of Russia would be ‘camia.’

Inevitably, as numbers start growing and body expanding, rigid and central rules that are peculiar to small communities (cemaat) become more flexible and decentralized.

That is, after quantity reaches a certain point, the difference of quality certainly imposes itself, and this is where we should start speaking of ‘camia.’

It is true that members of a ‘camia’ also gather around the same denominator.

But when we refer to the community of a certain sports club or ‘camia of ecologists,’ partnership in such communities demands only that one be a fan of a club or an environmentalist movement. Those who support the same club would never be expected to vote for the same political party. Ecologists protest the same fish massacre, but some of them are deists, while others may be religious.

Similarly, the larger masses of millions whose common denominator is to ‘spiritually’ adopt Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi’s ‘spiritual’ leadership, or perhaps only to sympathize with his peacemaking and reconciliatory discourse, cannot be identified as ‘cemaat’ (religious community or brotherhood) today.

The Gülen Movement can only be referred to as a large camia, or social community, for with their virtues as well as weaknesses, they reflect all the social and organic features of one.

It is important to pin on this heterogeneous nature, i.e., to accept the fact that a religious, political, military, or cultural community (camia) that is free from differences, centrifugal elements, or nonconformist components, is simply not possible.

Next week, I will weigh how true or false the abovementioned claims and accusations are.

Source: Hurriyet. Original article is in Turkish. English translation is retrieved from fgulen.com.


Related News

Police raid Gülen-inspired prep schools in Erzurum

In another government-orchestrated operation targeting the faith-based Gülen movement, popularly known as the Hizmet movement, police officers and inspectors from a number of ministries and government bodies carried out raids early on Thursday on FEM prep schools established by Hizmet volunteers in Erzurum.

Why would Gulen choose to attempt a coup that’s contrary to all his views?

I believe it is unlikely that Gulen was the mastermind behind the dramatic failed coup attempt against Erdogan last week. Of course, in the absence of evidence, so far no one can speak with certainty. Gulen’s social movement probably has well over a million followers or sympathizers who are not under centralized control.

Opposition leader Destici: Since when has exposing graft been a crime?

Allegations previously dismissed by judicial authorities are being raised again. People in the bureaucracy are being profiled. Officers have been removed from their posts in some ministries. Furthermore, mayoral elections are scheduled for March, and campaigning is becoming tenser.

Turks are not cows

In question are serious and grave accusations such as being involved in corruption, stacking money in houses, seeking villas, trying to get rid of millions of dollars… If all of these were just slander, what would a political man with self-confidence do? Wouldn’t he publicly present concrete evidence proving the slander?

Fethullah Gulen and Gulen Movement Discussed at German Symposium

The Intercultural Dialog Association in Cologne organized a symposium titled “Fethullah Gulen who Encourages the Dialog Studies”. At a weekend in Cologne, many academics, members of the parliament, representatives of some NGO’s, Turks and Germans attended the symposium.

‘Humiliating people not allowed in Islam’

A man identified as Mustafa Petek asked the Religious Affairs Directorate on March 24 if Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen, who inspired the Hizmet movement, deserves to be a target of hate speech by state officials. The Religious Affairs Directorate, in response to the man’s query on hate speech, said, “In Islam, no one is allowed to humiliate a person or refer to him using adjectives that don’t represent him.”

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

Consultation from Gülen’s perspective: The relationship between the ruler and the ruled

Interview: Professor Greg Barton, counter terrorism expert with Deakin University

Beating ‘domestic enemies’ in the game of ‘advanced’ democracy

Turkish minister: Gulenists are more dangerous than ISIL because they’re well-educated

Michael Rubin: I realize I may have misread the Gülen movement

Torture – Turkish prisoner says tied to chair, pushed into sea while under custody

Ethiopian President receives Ethio-Turkish schools delegation

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News