Which is the bigger threat, Turkey’s coup or Erdogan’s response?


Date posted: August 1, 2016

Evan Horowitz

Having survived a poorly plotted coup attempt, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is consolidating his power and purging the government of anyone considered insufficiently loyal — particularly those associated with the amorphous movement associated with the exiled cleric Fethullah Gulen.

Roughly 18,000 people have been detained since the events of July 16, and another 60,000 government workers have lost their jobs.

This still-widening purge is straining Turkey’s relationship with the West, possibly complicating the fight against ISIS, and raising questions about whether Turkey is drifting toward a Vladimir Putin-style government where power is concentrated in the hands of an authoritarian president.

US leaders have warned that the next US administration will have to reckon with these challenges.

“Many of our interlocutors have been purged or arrested. There’s no question that this is going to set back and make more difficult,” said Director of National Intelligence James Clapper.

What’s happened since the coup?

The counter-coup has advanced remarkably quickly over the last two weeks, spurred on by the decision to declare a temporary state of emergency. Under the new rules, Erdogan has the right to pass laws on his own and the ability to hold people without charge for up to 30 days.

Last Wednesday, 149 generals and admirals were dishonorably discharged, amounting to about 40 percent of the top brass. Below them, thousands of soldiers have been arrested and are currently awaiting trial.

But Erdogan’s post-coup reaction extends well beyond the plotters or the military. Scores of newspapers, magazines, and TV stations have been shuttered. Dozens of journalists have been detained, along with thousands of judges and prosecutors.

What’s more, Erdogan has aggressively targeted the ministry of education, firing 15,000 government employees, closing more than 1,000 private schools, and demanding resignations from 1,500 university deans.

One reason may be ideological: Erdogan is trying to shape the future of Turkish society by changing what young people learn. During his tenure, Erdogan has overseen a massive expansion of religious schools as part of this effort to create a “pious generation” through education. And sealing his control over the education ministry might allow him to accelerate those efforts.

Who, exactly, is Erdogan trying to root out?

Above all, the group Erdogan seeks to purge from Turkish government are the so-called Gulenists; they are the followers of Fethullah Gulen, an exiled spiritual leader who preaches a relatively moderate, business-friendly vision of Islam.

Even before the dust had settled on the Turkish coup, Erdogan was pointing his finger at Gulen. And while there’s still little evidence to support that charge — and some reason to doubt Gulen’s involvement in the coup — rooting out Gulenists in the Turkish government has become a guiding concern.

Gulen does have a large, somewhat cult-like following in Turkey, loosely bound by a network of schools, charities, and other institutions saturated with his message of nonviolent, pious, and democratic Islam.

And like Erdogan himself, Gulen has been playing a long game, educating young people who then carry their Gulenist values wherever they go — including into the military, the judiciary, and various branches of government.

For a time, the Gulenists were allied with Erdogan’s justice and development party, two groups trying to break the hold of secularism and bring Islam deeper into public life. But in 2013, this alliance broke. Since then, Erdogan has come to see the Gulen movement as a threat to his authority and an enemy working from inside the Turkish government.

How has the rest of the world responded?

Turkey has a lot of international leverage. To note just a few examples, Turkey allows the United State to launch regular airstrikes against ISIS from a base inside southern Turkey. And the EU relies on Turkey to help stanch the flow of refugees crossing from Syria into Europe.

Yet, despite Turkey’s regional importance, diplomatic conflict may be hard to avoid if Erdogan’s crackdown continues.

One possible flash point is Gulen himself, who has lived in Pennsylvania since 1999. Turkey has already requested his extradition. If the United States refuses — and the legal grounds for extradition are still uncertain — it could threaten our relationship with Turkey and complicate the war against ISIS.

Where is Turkey headed?

On the economic front, it’s hard to see the tourist industry bouncing back from this latest shock — coming as it does after last month’s terrorist attack at the Istanbul airport.

Also, a purge of this size brings other economic risks. When you fire thousands of government employees, you threaten the quality of government services; and shaking the confidence of Gulenists could ripple through the private sector, where they play a significant role.

Still, the deepest risk may be political. Turkey was already moving toward greater authoritarianism, but the post-coup crisis may help Erdogan further expand his power.

Turkey’s president is supposed to be a figurehead, rather like being the British queen; real power is supposed to rest in the hands of the prime minister.

But Erdogan has already served three terms as prime minister (the party limit), so he’s trying out a political dance that you might call the Putin shuffle — bouncing between different posts and bending the rules to keep running the government, just as Putin did half a decade ago.

To date, Erdogan has struggled to amass enough political support to change the constitution andformalize his powers as president. But now may be his best opportunity.

In that sense, Erdogan’s counter-coup may do more to change Turkish politics than the coup plotters ever sought, completing the country’s transformation from secular democracy to what’s fast becoming the new favorite government for aspiring dictators — one where the media is strictly controlled, conformity is entrenched through the schools, elections bring little change, and presidents can rule for life.

Source: Boston Globe , August 1, 2016


Related News

Fethullah Gulen’s Message for International Day of Peace

Fethullah Gulen: On the International Day of Peace, September 21, I join people from different countries, different cultures, and different religions to reaffirm and celebrate our commitment to peace across the world. May this special occasion be a reminder to us that we should be resilient in our work together, despite our differences, to achieve a global culture of peace and mutual respect for one another.

Pro-Rashid Dostum Afghan security forces raided Afghan-Turk Boys High School in Shibirghan

An Afghan-Turk Boys High School was raided by the Afghan security forces under the command of Uzbek leader Abdul Rashid Dostum, controversial First Vice President of Afghanistan, early Saturday morning and detained Turkish teachers, dozens of students and their parents in order to seize the school at the request of Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan.

Crimes Against Humanity in Erdogan’s Turkey

The seventh stage [of genicide] is “Preparation.” Erdogan and his supporters direct violent phrases at Hizmet participants, including “they will not have access to food and water” and “they will beg us to kill them to avoid torture.” Widespread propaganda calls Hizmet participants “assassins,” “terrorists” or pawns of foreign powers such as the CIA, Mossad or the Vatican.

Kimse Yok Mu to distribute 90,000 food packages during Ramadan

The Kimse Yok Mu (Is Anybody There) charity foundation will be offering aid packages to 90,000 families in all the 81 provinces during the holy month of Ramadan. The fasting month of Ramadan, deemed the sultan of all the months by Muslims, is considered the most venerated, blessed and spiritually beneficial month of the Islamic […]

Fethullah Gulen, the [Gulen] community, and the prep schools

It is no secret that my bonds of affection with the wise religious leader Fethullah Gulen and his movement go back more than twenty years. I trust that Hocaefendi, with his endless sense of fairness, is aware of this situation. He feels offended firstly because the government signed the National Security Council’s brief without hesitation, and secondly because it has profiled [both him and the movement]. In any case, resisting the closure of the movement’s prep schools is the same as resisting an authoritarian course of events!

An Eye-Opening Trek Into Turkish Society

WALTER RATLIFF* In Gaziantep, Turkey, the children at a local orphanage were recently asked to write about what they wished for most in life. The exercise was designed to help them think about their goals for the future. However, one child took the answer in a different direction: “I wish my parents could come back […]

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

Samanyolu TV, Kimse Yok Mu raise TL 65 million for quake victims

Turks Fleeing a Crackdown Find Haven in Albania

Turkish, Arab intellectuals meet around Hira in Cairo

Coup attempt in 2016 was Erdoğan’s Reichstag fire

Cuban artist wins Kimse Yok Mu’s international cartoon competition

Expert’s opinion: Turkey’s Demanding Extradition Of Fethullah Gülen Is Frivolous Grandstanding

US, Gülen to trigger artificial earthquake(!) in İstanbul, Ankara mayor says

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News