Test of Turkish society

Markar ESAYAN
Markar ESAYAN


Date posted: December 25, 2013

MARKAR ESAYAN

The tension and debates that sparked following a corruption operation launched on Dec. 17 had its first political results with the resignations of three ministers. It is very likely that there will be a Cabinet reshuffle this week. This Cabinet reshuffle, which had earlier been planned due to some ministers running in the local elections, has given the government an important opportunity following the operation. In this way, the transition will be less turbulent.

Yes, corruption is a very serious problem but it is not our main problem. A very crucial test is awaiting Turkish society.

Let me try to elaborate on this.

Over the past 11 years, Turkey has been undergoing an important transformation. While it seems to defend secular and modern-looking Western lifestyles, it is trying to come out of the tangle of Kemalism, which is a regime disregarding democratic values of the West. Even if Kemalism had at first dreamed of establishing a real Western democracy, it was later defiled and turned into a hegemony of the elite. As a matter of fact, the state became like a gang and oppressed its own people. The state was involved in a massacre in Dersim in the early years of the Turkish Republic and it defended the most painful methods of violence against Kurdish citizens in the 1990s. On Feb. 28, 1997, since the legitimate government was a party of the “pious,” it was removed from power via a coup by this secular-looking elite front. Christian citizens were forced to leave the country by Kemalists a long time ago.

Yes, there are efforts to change this state structure over the past 11 years under the political leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and thanks to a growing support from the majority of the public. As a matter of fact, the military’s tutelage in the country has been curbed and civilian politics has gained power. The power derived from the military tutelage was passed onto politics and civil society. The democratic coalition which fought against the military tutelage has become free to re-establish the country.

But for some reason, in the current more democratic atmosphere, we debate with each other in a harsher manner using the old methods of the military tutelage. It is not an armed tutelage which is calling the shots during the recent prep schools debate or the graft investigation. Rather, there are civilian groups such as the government and the Hizmet movement. But the tension is as high as it was in 2007.

Of course, this situation can be explained by referring to the lack of a democratic culture. Civilians interact with each other as if they are combating the guardianship. More precisely, they severe their relationships with each other. This destroys the possibility of dialogue and negotiations. Thus we are left with arm wrestling.

However, another major issue is that the underlying structure of the state and civil society still belongs to old Turkey. Corruption is just one of these parameters. Everyone says that the rule of law and democracy should govern us and expects these values to be upheld. This is a nice point. But what if the state apparatus and the legal framework are very problematic? Therefore, it is impossible to assume that we live in an ideal democracy where the rule of law is valued and to maintain our debate accordingly. And the rhetoric of the rule of law and democracy becomes functional only for those who benefit from them.

Everyone was confused over whether there is a united, independent team within the judiciary and police departments who do not have any political goals. But if there is such a team, no one will be surprised. Because there are established traditions in these institutions, we have not taken any steps in order to make them more transparent. Since 100-year-old institutions cannot become more democratic by themselves, the existence of such a team seems more likely to people. This is why, unlike the people living in democratic state governed by the rule of law, we cannot discuss the corruption investigation within its parameters.

In such a situation, people are inclined to support their elected government even if its members engage in corruption. This is because the government is a visible structure which can be changed, the other structure is invisible and people have traumatic memories about invisible structures.

Source: Today's Zaman , December 25, 2013


Related News

US high school students visit Turkey, give glowing reviews

A group of American students who came to İstanbul in a cultural exchange program have told Today’s Zaman that their warm reception in Turkey has caused them to view the country extremely positively.

Islamist daily published profiling story in 2010

The Islamist Akit daily published a story on illegal profiling conducted by the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) that targeted religious groups back in 2010, long before the Taraf daily, which is currently under fire from the government for publishing similar documents, the authenticity of which have been confirmed by the government.

Kimse Yok Mu “InnovAction for Poverty” Research Paper Competition is Open for Master or PhD students or graduates!

Kimse Yok Mu “InnovAction for Poverty” Research Paper Competition is Open for Master or PhD students or graduates!

Dialogue and distrust: on the predicament of Gulen-inspired organisations in the UK

FRANCES SLEAP Dialogue can be hard work. It is an indisputably good idea for there to be meaningful contact between people of different religious, ideological and cultural groups, but to make that happen where it hasn’t yet happened is no mean feat. Between 2010 and 2014 I worked at the Dialogue Society, with people putting […]

Erdogan Gov’t aims to abolish global charity Kimse Yok Mu

Ismail Cingoz, the foundation’s chairman spoke on their future initiatives to the daily Bugün. Cingoz said they have been undergoing inspection for the past seven months. He further said as KYM they are ready for any inspection of transparency and credibility.

Turkey’s permanent state of crisis

However, Erdogan has a problem: Whereas Ataturk came to power as a military general, Erdogan has a democratic mandate to govern. Ataturk’s Turkey was rural and only 10 percent of the country was literate at the time, with most educated people supporting his agenda. Erdogan’s Turkey is 80 percent urban and nearly 100 percent literate, and many well-educated Turks oppose his agenda.

Latest News

Turkish inmate jailed over alleged Gülen links dies of heart attack in prison

Message of Condemnation and Condolences for Mass Shooting at Bondi Beach, Sydney

Media executive Hidayet Karaca marks 11th year in prison over alleged links to Gülen movement

ECtHR faults Turkey for convictions of 2,420 applicants over Gülen links in follow-up to 2023 judgment

New Book Exposes Erdoğan’s “Civil Death Project” Targeting the Hizmet Movement

European Human Rights Treaty Faces Legal And Political Tests

ECtHR rejects Turkey’s appeal, clearing path for retrials in Gülen-linked cases

Erdoğan’s Civil Death Project’ : The ‘politicide’ spanning more than a decade

Fethullah Gülen’s Vision and the Purpose of Hizmet

In Case You Missed It

Is the Gulen Movement a Threat to the Turkish Government?

What else should Gülen say?

GYV’s dialogue center not returned despite court order

Election results and the Hizmet movement

Why is Turkey’s Erdogan persecuting the Gulen movement?

Bosnia rejects Turkey’s extradition request for journalist over Gülen links

Slandering Turkish schools is treason according to well-known politician

Copyright 2026 Hizmet News